Do LGBTQ individuals experience higher rates of discrimination than the general U.S. population?

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After 0 votes (0 ties) — even split

This debate is on whether LGBTQ individuals are more likely to be discriminated against in the U.S. Pro position will argue yes while con will argue they don’t. This debate will require both have some form of burden of proof with Pro arguing that they are more likely to face discrimination, while con will have to form a case against it. Questions in this debate can be asked similar to a cross exam format. Disclaimer: I use AI as an editing tool, but my thoughts and arguments are my own. This means I will allow my opponent to also use AI if they wish.

Round 1

1 of 5

I would like to begin by thanking my opponent for engaging in this discussion. It is clear that he is passionate about societal issues, as reflected in his participation in similar debates. Productive discourse on topics like this requires clear definitions and a consistent analytical framework. Accordingly, I will evaluate this issue through a sociological lens, using both quantitative and qualitative evidence.

The American Psychological Association defines discrimination as unfair or prejudicial treatment of individuals or groups based on characteristics such as race, gender, age, or sexual orientation. To determine whether LGBTQ individuals experience higher rates of discrimination, we must rely on empirical research—both large-scale statistical data and qualitative studies such as interviews and observational research. Using these methods, I will demonstrate that LGBTQ individuals in the United States face disproportionately high levels of discrimination across three key areas: hate crimes, societal rejection, and economic inequality.

Hate Crime

Violence targeting LGBTQ individuals is both significant and well-documented. Data compiled by Statista shows that in 2023 there were 2,296 incidents related to sexual orientation bias and 542 incidents related to gender identity bias, with increases in nearly every category. For example, hate crimes against gay men rose by 5%, while crimes against mixed LGBTQ groups increased by 46%. Furthermore, research from the Williams Institute indicates that LGBTQ individuals are approximately five times more likely to experience hate crimes than non-LGBTQ individuals. These disparities demonstrate a clear pattern of elevated targeted violence compared to the general population.

Societal Rejection

Discrimination against LGBTQ individuals extends beyond physical violence and is deeply embedded in social and institutional settings. Research from the Williams Institute indicates that approximately 47% of LGBTQ individuals report experiencing workplace discrimination. Additionally, a significant portion of this population is not open about their identity to supervisors, reflecting a workplace climate where disclosure may carry risk. Family rejection is also widespread, with studies suggesting that up to 70% of LGBTQ individuals experience some degree of parental rejection. These findings are consistent across multiple studies; for example, Kwan Ho reports similar figures, with roughly 45% experiencing workplace discrimination and comparable rates of identity concealment. These experiences have measurable consequences, as LGBTQ individuals are approximately 2.5 times more likely to experience depressive symptoms. This demonstrates that societal rejection is both widespread and harmful.

Economic Inequality

Workplace discrimination contributes directly to measurable financial disparities. Research, including studies conducted at the University of California, Irvine, finds that LGBTQ individuals often earn between 10–32% less than their heterosexual counterparts. Further analysis by Sean Waite shows that bisexual men earn approximately 20 cents less per hour and bisexual women about 29 cents less per hour than heterosexual individuals. These wage gaps align with broader patterns of unequal treatment and reinforce the presence of systemic discrimination.

Conclusion

In conclusion, the evidence clearly shows that LGBTQ individuals experience higher rates of discrimination than the general U.S. population. This is supported by both quantitative and qualitative research across multiple domains. Through the criteria of hate crimes, societal rejection, and economic inequality, I have established a consistent and evidence-based case.

For my opponent to prevail, he must effectively refute each of these contentions and demonstrate that LGBTQ individuals do not face disproportionate discrimination. Given the structure of this debate, he carries the burden of disproving these claims. Thank you to my opponent, and thank you to the audience for your consideration.

References

 Field, A. P. (2018). Discovering statistics using IBM SPSS. Sage Publications

Friedman, B. D. (2006). The research tool kit: Putting it all together. Thomson Brooks/Cole.

https://news.westernu.ca/2020/02/study-sexual-orientation-plays-part-in-pay-gap/

https://womxnscenter.uci.edu/financial-empowerment/equal-pay-days/lgbtqia-equal-pay-awareness-day/

https://williamsinstitute.law.ucla.edu/press/lgbt-volent-crime-press-release/#:~:text=LGBT%20people%20five%20times%20more,people%20(0.7%20per%201%2C000).

https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC11795962/

https://williamsinstitute.law.ucla.edu/publications/lgbt-workplace-discrimination/


https://williamsinstitute.law.ucla.edu/publications/lgbt-nondiscrimination-statutes/#:~:text=live%20in%20states%20without%20statutes%20prohibiting%20LGBT%20discrimination%20in%20housing,gender%20identity%20discrimination%20in%20education.


https://login.statista.com/authorize?response_type=code&client_id=xjVF0FFWFPOcG7XJO8C0XleeRPllUFfI&redirect_uri=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.statista.com%2Fsso%2Fcallback&state=UePAirFQ3xprxKjChMPXAZNrovMT2FrdmBR4xc3enxc&scope=openid+profile+offline_access&code_challenge=Ap6_qF8v9YOgf3FFJKrOKjirfDAe7aazZbIa16CzJZU&code_challenge_method=S256&audience=statista-api&ui_locales=en&connection=ip-login&0%5Bplatform%5D=en&0%5BstatistaTrackingUUID%5D=cf7074df-febc-4702-8ff5-032a322d2965&0%5BrequestIp%5D=174.203.42.7


avatar
Mal
Con #2

Greetings.


I preface this with all the points presented below prior to seeing points made by the opposing side.


"Do LGBTQ individuals experience higher rates of discrimination than the general U.S. population?"


I can't affirm that. That's why I'm in the negative.


One thing that non heterosexual cis or non cis persons have in their advantage if they're "white" is just that in the system that "non white" people refer to , the system of "white supremacy". Which you can't get any higher rate of discrimination than that which is supreme.....supreme discrimination you see.


From as far back as plantation laborers, perhaps mud store cities and railroads to the penal institutions.


In each one of these situations, discrimination starts at the physical makeup meaning from the outside appearance.


A slave can be a non heterosexual . That person was discriminated by an outside appearance. A cis person can be regarded the same way. Being that a non cis person here in 2026, can be mistaken as a cis person particularly if "white", still has benefit in the system of "White supremacy".


What happens in what you call "profiling", is protested against and rallied against due to the enslavement system of the judicial system because of the disproportionate number of "non white" persons enslaved or for a more politically correct term , "incarcerated".


This all starts with the higher rate of discrimination. From the time "non white" people are detained in the midst of traffic stops, to being simply eliminated at the hands of the powers that be, the supremacists or better known as "police brutality" which doesn't exist logically.


Author of the code book Neely Fuller Jr. classifies these individuals as "race soldiers" that discriminate higher than all else.


During a traffic stop, a "non white" person is executed while the "white" person executes "non white" persons and has a lower rate of discrimination to be deemed dangerous. So this is all before ascertaining an individual's sexuality.


Now let's talk about a system that enslaves its subordinates that it has control over. That signifies ownership. Ownership to dominate the commerce and corporate world.


With all that ownership and power, that would include media and information. To make a refined system so seamless, it can grant a superficial face value of ownership to its controlled parties. Creating propaganda, to its benefit. Posing political individuals to serve a token or superficial value to its controlled parties. Making numbers and tailored surveys to make appear..........make appear that something is not as devasting as it really is.


Doesn't matter how many promotions "non white" individuals receive. Doesn't matter what homosexuals face. There is no level or rate according to history of discrimination that "non white" people have been oppressed with. So everything that has been so called progress is just tokenism.


Equal opportunity employment so called..... tokenism. Allowing prosperous communities of "non white" to thrive temporarily...... tokenism. Granting higher education so called ..... tokenism......in a system that has the upper hand on how far you can learn or what you can do with that so called knowledge. Allowing one "non white" person in oval office...... tokenism.


One month to make a statement about a people's history.... tokenism. The recognition of "non white" entertainment is disproportionate due to the higher rate of discrimination.


"Non white" entertainers and artists that press for proportionate contracts to pass up tokenism to their counter parts.


From leaving the servant role of film and depictions to depict a transition of life from being more than just that of course to what the system, the powers that be, allows .


There has been no ships branded as carrying over homosexuals, no "homosexuals only" signs that have resulted in what many "non white" people are looking for which they call..... reparations.


They feel they need a huge repair job for a huge rate of discrimination for centuries.


So because the long track record of such, we have a plethora of organizations due to the system that maintains the highest rate of discrimination against them. These organizations are for their defense.


Now looking at demographics and neighborhoods. "Non whites" that relocate to "white person" areas will be discriminated against higher than that of any non heterosexual/non cis person to maintain certain communities as is by keeping them out, the reality that a non diverse neighborhood is maintained such by the highly discriminatory system.


This is much to unpack. The highly discriminatory system of "non whites" starts from centuries back and has kept the upper hand. We start with high discrimination factors for free labor of individuals.


Alright, then we move to a point in history where freedom is slightly given to the free laborers.... tokenism. This is done by discrimination. These individuals that were free laborers that begin to receive some tokens to work a land or harvest some crops similar to what was done before have a higher rate of discrimination compared to those that weren't free laborers by the powers that be.

If there wasn't a higher rate, there be equal treatment all around and no one supreme over the other. Thus the system of supremacy exists and thrives out of and from control of.


Through higher discrimination, the control is allocated, partitioned and incremented to those that aren't supreme, where to live , where to work, what to eat, what to have, where to sleep, who to sleep with, who to marry, where to be educated which at one point was denied completely.


Which according to history, sexuality did not enter in.


This system that has been in place has ultimately received the responses of counter actions via petitioning, organizations, protesting and everything else.


Each protest against the system is a cry out of the highhhhh rate of discrimination.


A march somewhere, a chant yelled in protest, a demand for change is not from an equal rate of discrimination and treatment.


This has been a long history of people that have been unequal for centuries just now receiving compensation that hasn't met complete reparation. This is according to the people that are still victims to others that are deemed to recompensate.


From the victims I have heard say, it is an utter shame and disrespect to compare discrimination in tandem with sexuality and say after the comparison, it is at a higher rate with that.



I will now entertain some things I can respond to from the opposing side.


"Violence targeting LGBTQ individuals is both significant and well-documented. Data compiled by Statista shows that in 2023 there were 2,296 incidents related to sexual orientation bias and 542 incidents related to gender identity bias, with increases in nearly every category. For example, hate crimes against gay men rose by 5%, while crimes against mixed LGBTQ groups increased by 46%. Furthermore, research from the Williams Institute indicates that LGBTQ individuals are approximately five times more likely to experience hate crimes than non-LGBTQ individuals. These disparities demonstrate a clear pattern of elevated targeted violence...."


None of this compares to the centuries of discrimination of a people that still receive the aftereffects of a system in place. One year of 2023 was mentioned. We're talking about centuries in comparison which would mean that periods exist of no record due to technology not being available potentially making the rate even higher.


"Societal Rejection


Discrimination against LGBTQ individuals extends beyond physical violence and is deeply embedded in social and institutional settings. Research from the Williams Institute indicates that approximately 47% of LGBTQ individuals report experiencing workplace discrimination. Additionally, a significant portion of this population is not open about their identity to supervisors, reflecting a workplace climate where disclosure may carry risk. Family rejection is also widespread, with studies suggesting that up to 70% of LGBTQ individuals experience some degree of parental rejection. These findings are consistent across multiple studies; for example, Kwan Ho reports similar figures, with roughly 45% experiencing workplace discrimination and comparable rates of identity concealment. These experiences have measurable consequences, as LGBTQ individuals are approximately 2.5 times more likely to experience ........"


This makes my case. A societal condition is marked by behavior. So no matter where a historically, notably, reputable privileged person may be, behavior is what is practically mutable and conditional readily at least in comparison to an innate marker such as an ethnicity or nationality.


This means at first impressions of appearance innately unfortunately for some people, namely "non white" people in a system of "white supremacy " are readily more open and exposed to receiving mistreatment in all areas of people activity.


Where as a "white supremacist" or a "white person " that may or may not be homosexual still has the lesser of the two discriminatory images.


"Economic Inequality


Workplace discrimination contributes directly to measurable financial disparities. Research, including studies conducted at the University of California, Irvine, finds that LGBTQ individuals often earn between 10–32% less than their heterosexual counterparts. Further analysis by Sean Waite shows that bisexual men earn approximately 20 cents less per hour and bisexual women about 29 cents less per hour than heterosexual individuals. These wage gaps align with broad........."


Being that one of the areas of people activity which is economics, it is dominated by the system of "white" supremacy. The workplaces, corporations, major 500s always have as a position of any importance will have a reputable and notable "white" face. Which could be a homosexual person.


I yield.

Round 2

2 of 5

I want to thank my opponent for his response. However, I need to re-center the resolution: “Do LGBTQ individuals experience higher rates of discrimination than the general U.S. population?” This is a comparative empirical question about present-day outcomes in the United States. It is not a ranking of historical oppression across different groups, nor a discussion of broad systemic inequality in the abstract.

My opponent largely shifts away from this comparison and instead focuses on historical racial oppression and systemic inequality. While those topics are important, they do not directly resolve the comparative question in this debate.

Burden of Proof and Comparative Standard

This debate requires direct comparison between LGBTQ individuals and the general population. My case established measurable disparities across multiple domains, including hate crimes, workplace discrimination, and economic inequality.

My opponent must either:

  1. directly refute these comparative claims, or
  2. provide evidence showing equal or lower rates of discrimination for LGBTQ individuals.

Instead, he avoids engaging the comparative standard and replaces it with a separate historical argument. That is not a refutation of the resolution.


Misframing: Racial Discrimination Does Not Negate LGBTQ Discrimination

My opponent focuses heavily on racial discrimination and historical systems such as slavery and structural inequality. I do not dispute that racial discrimination exists and remains a serious issue.

However, this does not resolve the resolution. The existence of discrimination against one group does not logically negate disproportionate discrimination against another group. These are separate empirical questions.

As scholars such as Andy Field and Bickman & Rog emphasize, valid social comparison requires controlling for confounding variables and directly comparing relevant populations. In this case, that means comparing LGBTQ individuals to heterosexual individuals across similar demographic conditions—not substituting one form of inequality for another.


Empirical Evidence Across Demographics

When we apply that proper comparative framework, the evidence remains consistent across multiple domains.

Research from the Williams Institute shows that approximately 47% of LGBTQ individuals report workplace discrimination. Importantly, this pattern holds across subgroups: LGBTQ employees of color are about twice as likely to experience discrimination (15% vs. 7%) and harassment (16% vs. 9%) compared to White LGBTQ employees.

This demonstrates that the effect persists even when controlling for race. Additionally, UCLA-based findings show that Black LGBTQ individuals experience the highest rates of hate crimes within LGBTQ populations, followed by other minority groups. This supports the concept of compounding disadvantage rather than replacing one form of discrimination with another.

Researchers such as Annamma describe this as compound discrimination—where overlapping identities increase exposure to discriminatory outcomes. This strengthens my case rather than weakening it, because it shows consistency across demographic conditions.


Failure to Rebut Core Evidence

My opponent does not meaningfully engage the core empirical claims in my case. He does not refute:

  1. the elevated hate crime risk for LGBTQ individuals (approximately five times higher than non-LGBTQ individuals),
  2. workplace discrimination statistics from the Williams Institute,
  3. or wage gap findings from studies such as the University of California, Irvine, and researchers like Sean Waite.

Instead, he attempts to shift the discussion toward historical racial oppression. That is not a response to the comparative evidence presented.


Economic Inequality (Unrebutted Impact)

Economic disparities also remain uncontested. LGBTQ individuals experience measurable wage gaps compared to heterosexual individuals, including differences identified in multiple peer-reviewed studies. These patterns persist even when accounting for broader demographic variation, reinforcing that discrimination is not isolated but systemic across economic structures.


Conclusion / Weighing

Ultimately, my opponent does not engage the central question of comparison between LGBTQ individuals and the general population. Instead, he reframes the debate around historical racial oppression, which is outside the scope of the resolution.

None of this directly refutes the multi-domain evidence presented—across violence, employment discrimination, and economic inequality—all of which consistently show elevated rates of discrimination against LGBTQ individuals in the United States.

Since my opponent has not provided counter-data showing parity or lower rates of discrimination, and has not directly refuted the comparative framework, the resolution still clearly favors the Pro position.

References 

Field, A. P. (2018). Discovering statistics using IBM SPSS. Sage Publications

Friedman, B. D. (2006). The research tool kit: Putting it all together. Thomson Brooks/Cole.

https://williamsinstitute.law.ucla.edu/publications/lgbt-nondiscrimination-statutes/#:~:text=live%20in%20states%20without%20statutes%20prohibiting%20LGBT%20discrimination%20in%20housing,gender%20identity%20discrimination%20in%20education.

https://williamsinstitute.law.ucla.edu/press/lgbt-volent-crime-press-release/#:~:text=LGBT%20people%20five%20times%20more,people%20(0.7%20per%201%2C000).

https://williamsinstitute.law.ucla.edu/publications/lgbt-workplace-discrimination/

https://williamsinstitute.law.ucla.edu/publications/anti-lgbt-victimization-us/

https://williamsinstitute.law.ucla.edu/publications/lgbt-workplace-discrimination/

https://news.westernu.ca/2020/02/study-sexual-orientation-plays-part-in-pay-gap/

Bickman, L., & Rog, D. J. (2009). The sage handbook of applied social research methods (2nd 

ed.). SAGE. 

Annamma, S. A. (2018). The pedagogy of pathologization: DIS. Routledge, an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group. 


avatar
Mal
Con #4

"This is a comparative empirical question about present-day outcomes in the United States. It is not a ranking of historical oppression across different groups, nor a discussion of broad systemic inequality in the abstract."


This is where the opposing side missed the mark.


The discrimination that exists today is based on a system. That's what you have to comprehend and with all respect due, most likely the people that are the victims of the discrimination system are the best ones to recognize it . The ones on the outside of that or benefit from the system can't recognize the setup or are delusional.


"My opponent focuses heavily on racial discrimination and historical systems such as slavery and structural inequality. I do not dispute that racial discrimination exists and remains a serious issue.


However, this does not resolve the resolution. The existence of discrimination against one group does not logically negate disproportionate discrimination against another group."


This is not about negation. This is about the higher rate of discrimination. So to prove my point, the opposing side has to fail at proving or demonstrating that there is a system in place greater which would mean higher , a higher power, a stronger power in place that systemically targets and profiles non heterosexuals.


The challenge is between demonstrating how behavior is targeted at a greater higher rate of discrimination versus physical appearance.


For example, nine times out of ten, someone will be hired based on passing an in-person interview.


Why? It's because sexual behavior......is not most likely , if at all detected to be discriminated over or against.


There have been forty seven people hired over the years for the oval office.


It is highly suspected due to the system in place, that the majority have been in office due to the active discrimination at the superficial level. We know nothing about any of these individuals sexual tendencies unless one of us was a fly on the wall . Unless the opposing side has some personal exposure. We can see the majority in power. The majority will dominate and are the usual suspects to discriminate most of all. This is what causes a higher rate of discrimination based on it .


I have to move on due to the limited character space.


"Empirical Evidence Across Demographics

When we apply that proper comparative framework, the evidence remains consistent across multiple domains.


Research from the Williams Institute shows that approximately 47% of LGBTQ............"


So forth and so on. This isn't empirical or evidence. Empirical is something I can see for myself. Something you can SEE for yourself. Not READ for yourself.


You actually have to be able to observe these things.

It's the things that we experience that solidify the highly discriminatory system in place and can give credence to the past we haven't experienced either.


So again, the majority of the oval offices have been dominated by "whites" . The major fortune 500 corporations, dominated by "whites". Social media, marketing and entertainment and no doubt the economy monopolized by the same. The wealth disparity no doubt tied to political power all on account of a system of discrimination will continue to have the imbalance of political power first and foremost as compared to sexuality leaving a higher rate of discrimination.


That's just economically but what about socially? What do we see?


I trust that's where the opposing side is going to linger. How non heterosexuals are mistreated can be subsided and reduced with the behavior as they say "keeping it in the closet".


We see many police stops or "police officer" detainments.


A person that apparently targeted and discriminated against a people in a religious context mistreated them fatally and was discriminated with a treatment of fast food. At a much lower rate of discrimination compared to an individual shot in the back while running, than a couple more individuals , than apparently laying on the ground, one shot with a firearm .




So we can see, the excuse of "we're not looking at history" is invalid. "It is not a ranking of historical oppression". On the contrary. It is by way of a system that has begun ages ago, that explains why the conditions exist now that empirically explain the disparity that HASN'T STOPPED....but CONTINUED in order to answer the "empirical question about present-day outcomes" .


It is how non "whites" can continuously be controlled where to live, where to work, what they can do and can't do.


The need to have organizations, "equal opportunity employment", diversity/equality/inclusion and affirmative actions are reactions to the system. These don't exist because there's no high rate of discrimination.


These don't exist because there's no high rate of discrimination.



Instant replay this:

The need to have organizations, "equal opportunity employment", diversity/equality/inclusion and affirmative actions are reactions to the system. These don't exist because there's no high rate of discrimination.


This is all a reaction to a system. We're in the year 2026. Let's go back to 1966 because it is very valid and the opposing side can't refute.


You mean to tell me after all the history of events that we've had for change because of the high rate of discrimination which I don't find any marches and protests due to sexuality by the way, after all that, and we're still finding movements today STILL in regards to this problem?


This is what makes the past so very so valid. We still dealing with the same issue decades later. If that isn't higher rate, what's the deal in taking so long to eradicate?


A slower or lower rate of cancer progression can be gotten in front of and beaten.


But to still deal with this mess in 2026 off of something started centuries..... centuries..... centuries..... centuries ago...., tell me , what system that has lasted that long in place now mistreats on the basis of sexuality?




If it's just a system that just started five years ago or today, what makes you think it has that much power and growth in a liberal society, mind you, to create a high rate of discrimination compared to a multi century system that has developed the social world?


Also I'm glad I didn't miss this point by you that gives credence to my side.


You said "LGBTQ employees of color are about twice as likely to experience discrimination.........and harassment (16% vs. 9%) compared to White LGBTQ employees.This demonstrates that the effect persists even when controlling for race."


That aligns with the system in place because it has been the system refined and finely tuned for so long being based on the physical, that when it comes to the minorities , the "non white" people, in areas of people activity, economics labor, law, politics, to name a few , they are the ones you can say are twice as likely or most likely or the highest of all likelihood to be the victims of "white" supremacy.


"Failure to Rebut Core Evidence


My opponent does not meaningfully engage the core empirical claims in my case. He does not refute:.........."


The opposing side refuted the opposing case by saying the following that gives credence to my case :


"Black LGBTQ individuals experience the highest rates of hate crimes"


Even in the opposing side's attempted defense, the opposing side argues it is the "non white" people that get the highest discrimination.

It makes sense because it terms of who is in all control of all areas of people activity dealing with commerce and economics, where to go , where to live , where to work, even who to sleep with, that has been the story since and prior to the plantation fields. Now , we have political plantation parties in which the supremacists rule all the politics and have maintained that discrimination of ratio proportion of occupancy to the oval offices.



"This supports the concept of compounding disadvantage rather than replacing one form of discrimination with another."


If what I've argued wasn't a higher rate, there'd be no compounding whatsoever. It would have nothing to do with it. It should be the other way around if it was truly the higher rate the opposing side has attempted to prove. Even the so called sources don't back the opposing case up.


"Researchers such as Annamma describe this as compound discrimination—where overlapping identities increase exposure to discriminatory outcomes. This strengthens my case rather than weakening it, because it shows consistency across demographic conditions."


The researchers described in code words the higher rate of discrimination of "white supremacy " that truly dominates truly the world but we're delving into canceling me out so I'll back off stepping on toes.


"My opponent does not meaningfully engage the core empirical claims in my case. He does not refute:"


I said it makes my case. Anything you've tried to use to support your case fails and just reflects mine.


"Instead, he attempts to shift the discussion toward historical racial oppression. That is not a response to the comparative evidence presented."


The opposing side is demonstrating a poor understanding of why the disadvantage is more for the so called non white folks than so called white folks from the point that was actually made from the opposing side .


It's because of the system in place now that has its historical foundation that gives its higher rate or highest form of discrimination.


"Economic disparities also remain uncontested. LGBTQ individuals experience measurable wage gaps compared to heterosexual individuals, including differences identified in multiple peer-reviewed studies. "


Really anything you have to say about non heterosexuals, so called non whites have it worse. So you really killed your own position making that point.

Round 3

3 of 5

I want to begin by outlining a few issues in my opponent’s logic. One of the main problems is his attempt to shift the focus away from the resolution. To remind both my opponent and the audience, the debate is: “Do LGBTQ individuals experience higher rates of discrimination than the general U.S. population?” This is a comparative empirical question between LGBTQ individuals and the general population in present-day conditions.

For my opponent to win, he must engage that comparison directly with counter-statistics, alternative data, or a methodological critique that shows LGBTQ individuals do not experience higher rates of discrimination. However, his responses does not meaningfully engage this comparative burden and instead focus on broader historical and systemic discussions that are not directly responsive to the resolution.


Minority and LGBTQ Discrimination (Common Ground + Framework Turn)

I will begin this section with some common ground. My opponent suggests that individuals who experience discrimination are more likely to recognize it. Scholars such as Jarvis Givens discuss similar ideas in the context of African American experiences along with scholars such as W.E.B. Du Bois. I agree that lived experience can influence perception of discrimination.

However, this logic does not support my opponent’s conclusion that LGBTQ individuals are not disproportionately discriminated against. In fact, it supports the broader point that those within marginalized groups are often more aware of discriminatory patterns.

Additionally, scholars such as Subini Annamma describe compounding or intersectional discrimination, where multiple marginalized identities (such as race, gender, and sexual orientation) increase exposure to discriminatory outcomes. This framework does not replace comparison between groups; rather, it refines it.

Using a proper comparative model, we evaluate LGBTQ individuals against heterosexual individuals while accounting for overlapping identities. Research frameworks such as Ruel et al. (2016) and Andy Field emphasize that variables must be compared within consistent constructs to isolate effects.

Under this model, evidence consistently shows that LGBTQ individuals—particularly LGBTQ individuals of color—experience higher rates of discrimination than their heterosexual counterparts. This directly supports my central claim.


Methodology (Empirical Standards)

Methodology is a central issue in this debate.

My opponent argues that empirical evidence must be directly observable rather than derived from data or research. However, this is not consistent with standard definitions of empirical research. According to Penn State University, empirical evidence is “based on observed and measured phenomena and derives knowledge from actual experience rather than theory or belief.”

This includes surveys, large-scale datasets, observational studies, and peer-reviewed research.

Throughout this debate, I have cited quantitative and qualitative studies, including large population surveys, interviews, observations and institutional research (such as the Williams Institute). These methods are widely accepted in social science research because they allow for systematic comparison across populations.

While my opponent emphasizes personal observation, this approach is subject to selection bias and cannot reliably establish population-level conclusions. As a result, it is insufficient for answering the comparative question posed by this resolution.


Responding to Opponent Claims (Framework Clarification)

My opponent suggests that I say historical context is irrelevant. That is not my position. However, historical comparison alone does not resolve the resolution, which requires present-day comparative analysis between LGBTQ individuals and the general population. History is useful to link with present day norms when combined with data, which can be seen with LGBTQ issues shown throughout time. 

Historical and current events show that, LGBTQ-related discrimination has also produced measurable social and political responses, including activism such as the Stonewall uprising and subsequent LGBTQ rights movements. These examples demonstrate that discrimination in this domain is not theoretical, but empirically observable and socially recognized.

My opponent also references institutional mechanisms such as DEI and affirmative action. Importantly, these frameworks were developed in response to documented disparities across multiple marginalized groups, including LGBTQ individuals in employment contexts. Their existence further supports the presence of systemic inequality rather than disproving it.


Failure to Engage Core Evidence

My opponent does not meaningfully respond to the core empirical claims in my case, including:

  1. elevated hate crime rates against LGBTQ individuals
  2. documented workplace discrimination
  3. wage disparities between LGBTQ and non-LGBTQ populations

Instead, he reframes the discussion around broader systemic explanations that do not directly engage the comparative question of this debate.

Importantly, intersectional findings do not weaken my argument. They demonstrate that discrimination varies across overlapping identities, while still showing elevated risk among LGBTQ populations compared to heterosexual individuals.


Weighing and Conclusion

Ultimately, my opponent does not provide counter-statistics or empirical evidence showing parity or lower levels of discrimination for LGBTQ individuals compared to the general population.

My case is supported by multiple independent datasets across violence, workplace discrimination, and economic inequality. My opponent’s response primarily relies on reframing the debate rather than directly engaging the comparative evidence.

If we isolate the resolution as required, the evidence consistently shows that LGBTQ individuals experience higher rates of discrimination than the general U.S. population.

For these reasons, the Pro position remains supported under both empirical analysis and comparative burden of proof.

References

 Field, A. P. (2018). Discovering statistics using IBM SPSS. Sage Publications

Friedman, B. D. (2006). The research tool kit: Putting it all together. Thomson Brooks/Cole

Onwuegbuzie, A. J., & Frels,R. (2016). Seven steps to a comprehensive literature review. Sage.

Ruel, E. E., Wagner, W. E., & Gillespie, B. J. (2016). The practice of survey research: Theory and applications. Sage. 

https://guides.libraries.psu.edu/emp

https://www.loc.gov/classroom-materials/united-states-history-primary-source-timeline/post-war-united-states-1945-1968/lgbtq-activism/

https://scholarship.richmond.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=2595&context=honors-theses


avatar
Mal
Con #6

"For my opponent to win, he must engage that comparison directly with counter-statistics, alternative data, or a methodological critique that shows LGBTQ individuals do not experience higher rates of discrimination. However, his responses does not meaningfully engage this comparative burden and instead focus on broader historical and systemic discussions that are not directly responsive to the resolution."


Yes this is enjoyable. All I have to do is use the opposing side's talking points, own talking points against the opposing case.


"Black LGBTQ individuals experience the highest rates of hate crimes"



It's because of the "non white" factor, has the higher discrimination rate.


"This supports the concept of compounding disadvantage rather than replacing one form of discrimination with another."


If I have a disease that is equally ailing or less than, my health is at no more disadvantage. I just have an extra medicinal prescription if it's not possible to kill two birds with one stone.



"My opponent suggests that individuals who experience discrimination are more likely to recognize it. "


I don't even have to suggest except for you to look up and listen to the Carl Nelson radio show. There's a podcast, if you have time, hear the plight, the topical issues, the ongoing developments for a people that discuss regular discrimination.


They're always going to preface the history to explain the present. It is why in spite of anything else, it is the physical demographic that outweighs anything else in a system of injustice.



"My opponent argues that empirical evidence must be directly observable rather than derived from data or research. However, this is not consistent with standard definitions of empirical research. According to Penn State University, empirical evidence is “based on observed and measured phenomena and derives knowledge from actual experience rather than theory or belief.”


The opposing side just talked passed what I said.


I said empirical evidence is observed and the opposing side said "empirical evidence is “based on observed" .


Just give it room and the opposite side will co-sign.


"Throughout this debate, I have cited quantitative and qualitative studies, including large population surveys, interviews, observations and institutional research (such as the Williams Institute). These methods are widely accepted in social science research because they allow for systematic comparison across populations."


Doesn't prove anything to me. If things are just true because we can read what people write, truth would be this subjective propaganda of media.


As you age, you realize, the truth, reality is what you experience for yourself.



"While my opponent emphasizes personal observation, this approach is subject to selection bias and cannot reliably establish population-level conclusions. As a result, it is insufficient for answering the comparative question posed by this resolution."


That's incorrect. I'm not saying nor have ever said this entire exchange that I've witnessed something, so therefore it's true, take my word. I tell you things to see for yourself. How is something proof to you if I only seen the proof?


You should show me a society where a system exists that dominates its people on the basis of sexuality.


Therefore, we shouldn't SEE "black lives matter".....on the news or the "congressional black caucus" .......the "NAACP".......the "NAACP "....... affirmative action.


I won't list off names of people at these traffic stops and detainments but we can and have witnessed all this. I didn't have to tell somebody to read something somewhere. If you haven't seen these things for yourself, well ..... forget about topics like these .



"Historical and current events show that, LGBTQ-related discrimination has also produced measurable social and political responses, including activism such as the Stonewall uprising and subsequent LGBTQ rights movements."


The opposing side has failed to show a system that has captured a people by discrimination, then to transition a people to certain laws by discrimination then to disenfranchise and redline and to transition a people from being captured in ships and chains , to chains in cells today .



So because of this system, the opposing side has admitted the disadvantage is far greater, the mistreatment is far greater, which would mean the discrimination is at a higher rate to victimize, reduce rights of, maintain inferiority to keep subject to than that of sexual behavior itself. Which the sexual behavior itself, sodomy, has been used to further victimize "non white" people.


"Their existence further supports the presence of systemic inequality rather than disproving it.




Failure to Engage Core Evidence


My opponent does not meaningfully respond to the core empirical claims in my case, including:


elevated hate crime rates against LGBTQ individuals

documented workplace discrimination

wage disparities between LGBTQ and non-LGBTQ populations


Instead, he reframes the discussion around broader systemic explanations that do not directly engage the comparative question of this debate.


Importantly, intersectional findings do not weaken my argument. They demonstrate that discrimination varies across overlapping identities, while still showing elevated risk among LGBTQ populations compared to heterosexual individuals."



Hey, the opposing side has already omitted:


"Black LGBTQ individuals experience the highest rates of hate crimes"


Oh now, it shouldn't matter what color they are. Nothing supersedes sexuality. Nothing tops and compounds that. That's supposed to be the biggest problem when it comes to people interaction. Something that can't even been seen or known at first glance of impression somehow stands out.


That's incorrect.



The opposing side is reading things to highlight a niche but is neglecting to observe reality surrounding the person's environment.


Once again, if you're not a victim, don't perceive yourself to be, this is what you can't detect. Institutionalism for some victims.


"Ultimately, my opponent does not provide counter-statistics or empirical evidence showing parity or lower levels of discrimination for LGBTQ individuals compared to the general population.


My case is supported by multiple independent datasets across violence, workplace discrimination, and economic inequality. My opponent’s response primarily relies on reframing the debate rather than directly engaging the comparative evidence.


If we isolate the resolution as required, the evidence consistently shows that LGBTQ individuals experience higher rates of discrimination than the general U.S. population.


For these reasons, the Pro position remains supported under both empirical analysis and comparative burden of proof."


Hey, the opposing side already omitted :


"Black LGBTQ individuals experience the highest rates of hate crimes"


What does the topic say?


"Do LGBTQ individuals experience higher rates of discrimination than the general U.S. population?"


What did the opposing say by omission?


"Do LGBTQ individuals experience higher rates of discrimination than the general U.S. population?"


What does the topic say?


"Do LGBTQ individuals experience higher rates of discrimination than the general U.S. population?"


What did the opposing say by omission?


"Do LGBTQ individuals experience higher rates of discrimination than the general U.S. population?"


What does the topic say?


"Do LGBTQ individuals experience higher rates of discrimination than the general U.S. population?"


What did the opposing say by omission?


"Do LGBTQ individuals experience higher rates of discrimination than the general U.S. population?"



A flat out "no" by the opposing side only asking about non heterosexuals. The opposing side couldn't even say just non heterosexuals got it the worst.


I yield.

Round 4

4 of 5

I will start this section by showing that my opponent has been making the same mistakes throughout this debate. To start, even though I have mentioned this each round, my opponent has not fulfilled his burden of proof throughout this debate. In the debate description, these rules are laid out which means that my opponent needs to present an alternative case or show counter data to show that my claims are incorrect or flawed. My opponent has yet to do this in this debate, but instead argues through trying to reframe what the debate topic is. Remember the topic is “Do LGBTQ individuals experience higher rates of discrimination than the general U.S. population?”. Not is one marginalized group discriminated more than a different marginalized group. Due to my opponent either misunderstanding core contentions, or misunderstanding research methodology, I will ask some questions to hopefully clear up any confusion that could be happening. 

Lack of Methodology

For those who are keeping up with this debate and our other debates, my opponent has yet to bring a framework to show why his viewpoint is true. My opponents objections are partially subjective because he has no method to show why his thoughts are true and why my viewpoint is incorrect. That’s why if you view most of his counter arguments you see that he never actually presents a reason why his claims are true, but just grants it. My opponent from each of his rounds seems to argue that statistical analysis, numerical research, interview data, and direct observational studies are propaganda. Additionally he seems to agree with my definition of empirical evidence, which creates issues for him in more ways than one. One of the main ways is that based on this definition, the following data sets would count towards it. The citation I used from penn state cited the types of studies that I mentioned as being compatible with this. We see this also from citations like the University of Nevada Las Vegas. The reason for this is that data either has to be observed/recorded in a system, recorded through self measurements, recorded through interviews, or seen through observations. This then is either done through a statistical analysis to show outcomes as mentioned by Myers, Ruel, or Fields. Or it goes through a form of qualitative methodology which is in depth in itself. An example of this may be creating categories based on observed behaviors or answers and forming it into numerical results. So inadvertently even though my opponent never presented a way to tell if something is true, he accepted my definition, which means the evidence presented would fall into this category. Additionally my opponent creates a major issue with his lack of methodology which can be defined by this quote he made last round “As you age, you realize, the truth, reality is what you experience for yourself.” A few lines later he critiques me calling this selection bias, and subjective by saying that him mentioning to see it for yourself as something that is shared. He mentions “How is something proof if I have only seen the proof.” What my opponent doesn’t realize is that this outlines his whole issue of not having a framework/methodology. If my opponent is against data, research, and historical events being used, how does he determine what is true? He mentioned that it is something you experience yourself, but what if someone has a different experience than you? The issue with this is that without a method to determine something as factual or best lined up with evidence, it becomes mere opinion, where each person differs due to different experiences, because nobody has an evaluative standard to show what is true or not. Based on this, my questions to my opponent are

  1. How do you show your findings to be true compared to someone else if you are just going by experience? 
  2. What is the way you show something to be true?
  3. If my methodology is flawed, do you have an alternative to show your side is correct?

LGBTQ and History

Now to continue, my opponent has ignored or sidestepped several points in regard to history and policy. One of the major issues that I brought up was the stone wall uprising which resulted in some of the first pride parades. Howard university has recorded issues like this since the 70s where issues such as protesting laws against gay youth was a problem. Additionally individuals in the pride community also wanted to pass laws to protect LGBTQ individuals in the workplace, and to pass gay right bills in Congress. We can go on with other issues such as court cases like OBERGEFELL v. HODGES, which helped individuals in this community have the chance to get married. Notice in previous replies my opponent mentioned that individuals in this community haven’t faced long term historical discrimination which is simply untrue. This also rings true when my opponent mentioned DEI for minorities, but ignored the point that DEI also has involved individuals in the LGBTQ community. My opponent tries to compare the history of minorities with lgbtq individuals, which is flawed due to this debate focusing on lgbtq individuals and the general community, and for the fact that their are lgbtq individuals who are minority that fit both categories.


Black LGBTQ Individuals

Now I have already mentioned that my opponent has tried to reframe the debate from “Do LGBTQ individuals experience higher rates of discrimination than the general U.S. population?”to a difference between two marginalized groups. The problem with this is I could even concede that minorities are heavily marginalized and this would not impact my arguments or stance in this debate. This simply has to do with how constructs are measured through research based on similar defining characteristics, which in this situation would be sexual orientation (Bikman & Rog). That would mean we would view individuals based on different races, ethnicities, and gender with sexuality which would be heterosexual vs LGBTQ individuals. If you view how items are measured it is easy to show that how my opponent attempts to measure this is flawed because there are individuals of different races that are part of the LGBTQ community. To show how this leads to numerous issues I will critique him by a few questions that will impact his stance. Due to my opponent attempting to view Black individuals vs. LGBTQ individuals alone, would we leave black individuals who are a part of the LGBTQ community out of this comparison? If not would they fit more with the LGBTQ group, or a certain racial group. Based on how my opponent is measuring things you would more and likely fall into one of these two weird categories. Not purposely, but if we are measuring sexuality, individuals from all different racial groups fit into this category. So to appropriately measure this with the general population scholars such as Myers would mention that you need to compare it with the general population, then view sexuality with different races. This is called testing multiple variables. And when this is measured, scholars such as Andrew Flores, who conducted a study on 1,987 amount of individuals show that lgbtq individuals are more likely to be subject to hate crime based on viewing measures between both heterosexuals vs. LGBTQ members. When we include race data statistical analysis shows that these individuals who are minorities are more likely to be subject to hate crime than their heterosexual counterparts. When we go into qualitative data by Daniel Lopez, the reason for this seems to be documented because black lgbtq individuals can face discrimination from everyone including their own racial group. Now my opponent claims this is based only on race, but how does he know?

Questions I would like my opponent to answer is.

How do you know that these individuals who are a part of the lgbtq community are being discriminated on solely due to racial reasons?

If this is the reason, why is there an increase of discrimination shown through data for these individuals? 

Conclusion 

To conclude, in this debate we have a shared burden of proof, where my opponent has not negated the data or research I presented. Additionally he has no methodology to show that his points are correct, where his operative stance seems to be “what you experience yourself.” This is subjective because everyone has different experiences, which leads to different conclusions. I’ve went through and made a case, to show data from quantitative and qualitative studies, to show that lgbtq individuals go through higher rates of discrimination from the general population.

Refrences 

https://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/14-556

https://library.law.howard.edu/civilrightshistory/lgbtq/march

https://guides.library.unlv.edu/c.php?g=886311&p=6383267

https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC10105583/

https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC9770371/

Field, A. P. (2018). Discovering statistics using IBM SPSS. Sage Publications

Friedman, B. D. (2006). The research tool kit: Putting it all together. Thomson Brooks/Cole

Onwuegbuzie, A. J., & Frels,R. (2016). Seven steps to a comprehensive literature review. Sage.

Ruel, E. E., Wagner, W. E., & Gillespie, B. J. (2016). The practice of survey research: Theory and applications. Sage. 

https://methods.sagepub.com/hnbk/edvol/the-sage-handbook-of-applied-social-research-methods-2e/toc#_


avatar
Mal
Con #8

"but what if someone has a different experience than you? The issue with this is that without a method to determine something as factual or best lined up with evidence, it becomes mere opinion, where each person differs due to different experiences, because nobody has an evaluative standard to show what is true or not. Based on this, my questions to my opponent are

  1. How do you show your findings to be true compared to someone else if you are just going by experience? 
  2. What is the way you show something to be true?
  3. If my methodology is flawed, do you have an alternative to show your side is correct?"



To the first question, you can always invite the person to experience with you . I never said things have to be private. When I say "see things for yourself " or "show me where I can see this myself ", it can be a collective.


I don't know if you're just now realizing this or what. When you say "something as factual or best lined up with evidence", are you talking about what somebody wrote calling that evidence?


If I can just write something like the person in the other debate thinks a drawing is evidence, you can keep that. In actuality, evidence is reality. It is the actual thing, real thing as presented.....it is.... evident . Just writing about it is just writing about it. You can have a million people write about it. They've written about it because evidently , they have observed and or experienced what you haven't but yet you equivocate the two as evidence alike as it seems.


*****Let's get a refresher on the essence of evidence in its nature.*******


You know something is true because you actually know it. You can't know something to be fact without actually knowing. What does knowing mean?


Awareness. What is awareness? It has to do with experience of the real world event, the reality.


In answer to the second question , it depends on what I'm showing you. If I'm showing you proof of a car wreck, I may use the way of a car itself if it's not walking distance to bring you to the crash site.


Very elementary. The world has gotten caught up in to just research as being the evidence itself as a mistake of mis-categorization. We have to get back to the foundation of this.


If you need proof of this water being cold, well a way would be to take your hand and dip it into the water.


Just real simple back to rudimentary intuitive equations comrade.


The answer to the third question has already been addressed by the previous two answers.


When you talk about correct , what is correct ?


Correct means, right and that which is. That which is what? That which is true and not false. A true reality. Not a false or pseudo reality. Just reality itself. When you think of evidence, think of reality. Not what is written unless we're merely just trying to prove something is written alone. Otherwise it is not what is written, not what is publicized, sensationalized, published in any media like how propaganda goes and people run with it and say there's reality. No , there's what you read, what you are told, now go out and see it for yourself to KNOW........if you follow what I'm saying.....to know what it is that actually exists .


Since we're in the topic of "race", because of media and cherry picked data, people think that "racism" is instant or automatic "racist" transactions happen every time a police stop occurs .


I am a witness if that was the next question. The real world solidifies the truth and the research can agree. It's not the other way around with the research excluding actual empiricism of the event, mind you, it's not the research that solidifies and corroborates reality and the reality follows it. This is how we evade bias, manipulation, agendas and a spin on a narrative.


"How do you know that these individuals who are a part of the lgbtq community are being discriminated on solely due to racial reasons?"


I know by the system in which we live which is dominated by "whites" or to use a more abrasive expression, the "white supremacists". In all areas of people activity.


They dominate the major corporations and fortune five hundreds so dominance occurs throughout the workforce and labor sectors.

In order to maintain dominance, you have to discriminate and prevent diversification.


That's why they attempt to clean this up with affirmative action and "equal opportunity employment".


Is it enough? We have centuries of unleveled playing fields to sort. It'll take many more perhaps.


That's just the area of labor. The area of economics, law, politics, same thing.


Now how much of this do we know of anyone being dominated about... sexually ...in all these areas?


There's no system for it because as long as sexuality can be concealed, that's a refined method to prevent having a discriminatory system for it.


"If this is the reason, why is there an increase of discrimination shown through data for these individuals?"


Because people can write all kinds of numbers. I can show all kinds of numbers. People can selectively show a survey for any niche if you look for it.


That's why nothing gets proven just tossing written papers back and forth. We can come up with a written document from anywhere that serves confirmation bias.


I learned that a while ago . To prove something universally, we have to demonstrate how we demonstrate the sky. The sky is in everybody's backyard.


We can see for ourselves, our reality. What you have limited yourself to as proof is reading about somebody else's observation.


Make the effort to see it yourself as well as the effort to think for yourself. Not just reading but taking a look around at cause and effect.

The sky, the world, everything around you. It's not subjective. I can agree with what you actually prove because it's not subjective.


I rest my case. I'll hold my final statements with the help of the opposing side adding to those statements as the opposing side has helped with my case.


If the opposing side has any further questions, we got another round or so I believe.


I yield.

Round 5

5 of 5

Introduction

I want to thank my opponent for this debate, as it has been interesting. Regardless my opponent throughout this debate made several mistakes, which is why anyone reading this debate should vote for me. One of the main reasons is my opponent tried to argue that black people face worse discrimination than individuals in the LGBTQ community. This has been shown to be flawed through scholars such as Myers and Field who state that individuals can have multiple identities which should be noted when doing statistical analysis. Due to this we can have minority members who are apart of the LGBTQ community and minority members who are heterosexual. This means that race should be counted as one item while sexual orientation should be counted as another. Additionally this means my opponent shifted the debate from which group is discriminated worse while the debate topic was “Do LGBTQ individuals experience higher rates of discrimination than the general U.S. population?”. From this alone I should be voted the winner of this debate, because most of my main points weren’t addressed through viewing the data at hand. My opponent differs on how he views evidence from me, which is a major issue, because it creates subjective findings, which means only individuals with his similar thinking could come to this conclusion. My opponent also asks a few things from me as well which I hope to address in this round.

Methodology

The issue that my opponent has shown throughout this is that he doesn’t have a consistent methodology to provide evidence for his viewpoint. An interesting issue that has been seen from his view as well is that he shifts between using small systems of numbers for his views, but doesn’t carry this over for every other issue. My opponent starts by answering one of my questions by saying “you can always invite the person to experience with you.” The issue with this, which my opponent seems to ignore is what happens when people disagree on what the evidence is? People all over the world disagree with each other all the time. A clear example of this is how divided the political isle is in the U.S. This example shows how different viewpoints can lead to various different viewpoints, which means if we go through my opponents framework of experience, we can see how it differs. This shows that my opponent mentioning things like inviting people to experience something with you doesn’t provide a methodology to show something is true. Along with this my opponents’ examples of evidence such as it depending on the situation, and that showing a car wreck may be a sign a car wreck occurred is flawed in nature because it is simplistic and doesn’t deal with society as a whole like researchers such as Friedman would say. A car wreck can be simply shown, while activities that happen in society are complex, can happen differently depending on context, and are different geography (We see this with politics all the time). My opponent provides an example, while asking if just reading opinions count as evidence, and also saying people cherry pick data. The issue with this is my opponent is going from the news, which isn’t trained in these methods, and are historically bad at handling data. Often times scholars cite that they distort graphs to misrepresenting what other scholars say. That is why you go through research methodologies, performed through scholars, which also goes through peer review. You go through systems of checks and balances where bad practices go through system checks and get rejected from being published. Sources I use are either peer reviewed, go through some sort of data analysis, or are done through survey places peer review individuals find reputable. So to take my opponents example of police shootings, I would go through a few different criteria. 1. qualitative data that interviews minorities and other individuals in the community such as police officers, prison guards, and educators in these systems. 2. I would view data on the amount of shootings between police officers and minority members. 3. I would do step two again but viewing unarmed shootings. 4. I would do an analysis on court hearings from cases involving items like this. The results on this is interesting but outside of the scope of this debate. 

Black LGBTQ Members

My opponents’ methodology is inconstant because at times he uses a short version of research but changes it in different situations. He mentions about white individuals being the majority in Fortune 500 companies, which I would agree. The issue with this is how you would know this is by looking up the data and the numbers. When we transition this over to sexual orientation, he doesn’t go in with this viewpoint. It’s part of why my opponent is only saying that it is made up numbers, which he can’t prove. He may mention things such as sexuality being concealed, but research interviewing individuals in these classes show that this isn’t always possible. That is why interviews from research’s such as Daniel Lopez, show that lgbtq individuals are discriminated on by every class, which includes black heterosexuals. Larger scale studies such as survey research from Andrew Flores mention the same thing. My opponent in all of this never shows why he thinks the numbers are bias, and has not presented an alternative method to show why LGBTQ individuals are not discriminated worse than the general population.

Closing

In closing, my opponent in this debate never creates a case for why LGBTQ individuals are not discriminated on worse compared to the general population. Additionally he actually never disputes my data on this but either moved into saying minority people are discriminated worse or that the numbers could be tampered with. There are several issues with this such as this debate being titled “Do LGBTQ individuals experience higher rates of discrimination than the general U.S. population?” This means that to accurately do this, you have to view different analysis that use multiple variables that involves different races of heterosexual individuals and LGBTQ individuals. So when my opponent argues for a racial group being discriminated more than LGBTQ individuals, it is outside of the debate topic along with being a flawed question due to multiple identity discrimination. Additionally my opponent never explains how to show something is true. He gives simplistic answers, that don’t deal with complex issues, which isn’t how evidence works on topics such as this. When asked about how he deals with his findings being true compared to other people he just mentions that you invite them to experience it with them. This doesn’t provide an answer on how you deal with people disagreeing with your evidence, but is merely just a way a conversation starts. This means that my opponent hasn’t shown how to tell what is true when different people have different experiences. Due to this, my opponents viewpoint is subjective, because he never shows how he could differentiate his viewpoint from others. Additionally he mentions that data I presented is flawed but never explains how. The issue with this is that the methods used here are done through mathematical processes, or research processes. Scholars often note this is how we understand how things work with societal outcomes and we actually use it for more than just that. We use it to do things like see how modern medicine works through random control trials. These methods have been shown to work in most fields of science, which is how my viewpoint can be shown to be more likely to be true compared to my opponents’. Additionally many of my claims such as historical claims of oppression, court cases, DEI related to LGBTQ, and much of my data was never addressed which should count as conceded points. Finally my opponent never met his burden of proof in the description, which outlines that both sides have a burden of proof. With all of these points in mind, the evidence weighs in favor for pro.

References 

https://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/14-556

https://library.law.howard.edu/civilrightshistory/lgbtq/march

https://guides.library.unlv.edu/c.php?g=886311&p=6383267

https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC10105583/

https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC9770371/

Field, A. P. (2018). Discovering statistics using IBM SPSS. Sage Publications

Friedman, B. D. (2006). The research tool kit: Putting it all together. Thomson Brooks/Cole

Onwuegbuzie, A. J., & Frels,R. (2016). Seven steps to a comprehensive literature review. Sage.

Ruel, E. E., Wagner, W. E., & Gillespie, B. J. (2016). The practice of survey research: Theory and applications. Sage. 

https://methods.sagepub.com/hnbk/edvol/the-sage-handbook-of-applied-social-research-methods-2e/toc#_

https://www.pewresearch.org/politics/fact-sheet/party-affiliation-fact-sheet-npors/


avatar
Mal
Con #10

Case closed.

New comment

avatar
•••
#11
--> @Kohai

Yea. Idk. I have a lot going on. If I do come back I would be happy to debate!

avatar
Kohai Administrator
•••
#10
--> @Mal, @TheAnalyticalAdvocate, @XSET.SHANE

>Reported Vote: XSET.SHANE // Mod action: Removed
>Voting Policy: https://www.debatecraft.com/debates/vote-rubric
>Voted for: pro
>Reason for Decision: other
>Reason for Mod Action:
Insufficient RFD + Multi accounting

avatar
Kohai Administrator
•••
#9

---XSET.SHANE's former vote---
Voted for: pro
N/a

avatar
Kohai Administrator
•••
#8
--> @Mal, @TheAnalyticalAdvocate, @XSET..SHANE

>Reported Vote: XSET..SHANE // Mod action: Removed
>Voting Policy: https://www.debatecraft.com/debates/vote-rubric
>Voted for: con
>Reason for Decision: vote-rigging
>Reason for Mod Action:
Insufficient RFD + Multi accounting

avatar
Kohai Administrator
•••
#7

---XSET..SHANE's former vote---
Voted for: con
r

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Kohai Administrator
•••
#6
--> @TheAnalyticalAdvocate

Breaks are always important. I'd be down to debating some time

I’m contemplating retiring from debating or taking a long break after my last active debate so it is bitter sweet. I just have a lot going on. Full time teacher, a parent, a researcher, a PhD student working on his dissertation, and a part time college teacher. If I do come back after my last open debate I hope to get fresh opponents in the future lol

--> @Ultracrepidarian

I am at your mercy because you said to ping you lol!

I will do my best to try and remember lol! Grad school and being a new parent may make it hard lol! I am glad you are enjoying the debate.

avatar
•••
#2

Ping me when this debate is done Ill vote on it

--> @Mal

Handshake across the isle before we start. I had a feeling from reading another debate you were in that you would be the one to accept it lol! Was a good guess lol!