Shoresy
You can Google it. I think this year is the last of the middle class tax cuts. The only ones trump by design made permanent was the ones for the wealthy. Never mind the fact and you can fact check this that the one move that could have prevented the mist the American empire from collapsing due to our debt levels, is preventing the Reagan, Bush, and trump tax cuts. Borrow money from our kids to give to the wealthy? What could possibly go wrong?


Democratic-controlled Congresses that passed major bailout/subsidy legislation for private industry:

• 73rd Congress (1933–1935) – Emergency Banking Act

Stabilized and recapitalized private banks during the Great Depression.

• 96th Congress (1979–1981) – Chrysler Loan Guarantee Act

$1.5 billion federal loan guarantees to bail out Chrysler.

• 110th Congress (2007–2009) – Housing and Economic Recovery Act

Stabilized mortgage lenders and reinforced Fannie Mae / Freddie Mac.

• 111th Congress (2009–2011) – American Recovery and Reinvestment Act (ARRA)

~$800+ billion stimulus with major funding flowing to private businesses, energy companies, infrastructure contractors, and state-connected industries.

• 111th Congress (2009–2011) – Auto industry rescue funding continuation

GM and Chrysler restructuring financed and overseen under Democratic majorities.

• 117th Congress (2021–2023) – American Rescue Plan Act

Massive business relief, PPP expansions, industry-specific subsidies, and sector stabilization funds.

• 117th Congress (2021–2023) – CHIPS and Science Act

~$52 billion in semiconductor subsidies to private tech manufacturers.

• 117th Congress (2021–2023) – Inflation Reduction Act

Hundreds of billions in energy and manufacturing tax credits and corporate incentives.

If the argument is “only Republicans subsidize private industry,” history doesn’t cooperate with that narrative.

Shoresy

In a lot of heavily governed states like California and New York, the problem isn’t a lack of taxes and regulations. It’s that certain well-intended interventions have created artificial distortions and scarcity in the marketplace. Strict zoning limits housing supply. Environmental review delays construction. Rent control discourages new building. Licensing requirements limit who can enter trades. Those policies are loudly passed with the intention of protecting workers or tenants. Great idea on paper, but when the market supply gets constrained while demand stays high, prices rise, services fail, and it's not the rich who pay.

Who benefits? People who already own scarce assets, property owners, equity holders, and investment corporations.

Who gets squeezed?

Renters.

First-time buyers.

New entrants.

The middle class.

That’s the result of distorted markets where centrally-planned government intervention rules based on helping the working class unintentionally protect the wealthy and lock out the working class because those market distortions provide a lever for those who can exploit those distortions. America still has strong rules protecting private property, so market distortions will show up with a growing class of wealthy people who know how to navigate those distortions far better than any government agency ever could. And the government will then claim that their market distortions are "creating wealth" in those states when all that is really happening is an artificial transfer of wealth to people who can game the regulations and market distortions from those who think they can come out ahead without high levels of financial planning and investment. What America objectively ends up with is 50 years of perpetual 5-year Stalinesque plans creating economic distortions in those "progressive" states. And what's even more wasteful is when the government takes the confiscated wealth from the working class and is forced to subsidize private industry to artificially fix the market distortions that they originally caused with the previous interventions! The classic "dig a hole, fill it up," and call that "progress."

Shoresy

Thanks for agreeing with my point on 5-year plan systems.


Why do all the experts disagree with you and say there's no significant fraud? 


I didn't make that claim; you are arguing with the air.

What workers need is intervention in a system designed to benefit those who already have wealth, leading to the natural and inevitable outcome where the middle class disappears and the gap between the rich and poor reaches society destabilizing levels.

How has that objectively worked out in your "progressive states" over the past 5 decades....


Over the last fifty years, the places most committed to redistribution, regulation, labor expansion, and public spending were places like California, New York, and Illinois. These are not laissez-faire playgrounds. They are heavily governed environments. And yet, they lead the country in cost of living inflation, housing scarcity, capital flight, and some of the widest income gaps in the nation between the rich and poor.


So either heavy government intervention does not function the way you claim… or concentrated power and regulatory capture happen inside progressive frameworks too.

Shoresy
(tax cuts will fix everything!)


Right, because what struggling workers really need is more of their production stolen with empty promises of a return on that stolen investment.... Like the empty promises in New York City.... 18 people dead due to cold in the richest city on the planet could only happen under a modern 5-year plan like Stalin sold to his workers.

Shoresy
If in 2024, they elected Kamala, Putin would lose in Ukraine, Palestine would be saved, and economy would be slightly worse.


Sounds about right, Kamala absolutely would start a global war with Russia over the Ukraine civil war and also save Hamas through favorable Iranian deals, all for the sake of vibes. She would sell it with Venn diagrams to all her seal-clappers. And also lie about it all effortlessly if the seal-clapping slows, as she did about "the most secure border in American history."

Shoresy

Canadians are stunned at the obesity and general ingratitude of the USA poor.


and cheered while the rich wrote off private jets as tax deductions. Not because it helped them. But because they were told it would hurt someone else."


Oh, like your poor sealclap when rich jetsetters talk about "stolen people, stolen land"


https://www.facebook.com/reel/814352621613663


It's surprising what the rich in the USA can get away with if they walk like an Egyptian with the most mesmerizing hand gestures....



Shoresy

Lol, you guys are in a cult, clearly running with the false premise that USA has no fraud, racism isn't just a slang word for something I don't like, and the USA has "the most secure election ever" whenever your cult leaders tell you it is so. That doesn't even happen in high fiction.


Nobody is going to entertain any argument based on such nonsensical premises. You might as well say, "I am God, now try and debunk me!"

Shoresy
becomes fascist.

You mean became. Long, long ago.


You guys didn't suddenly start becoming the world fascist police in 2025. That's decades in the making. I hope we recruit more guys like you to destroy your own country. Whatever the cost, it's worth it for actual world peace free from American dominance. Not like you guys have a chance at protecting your culture and country at this point anyway, with or without all the vigilante rebellions. Karma is a bitch, and your past 10+ global wars over many decades have a long overdue bill.

Shoresy

Cool, I'm glad foreign nations are encouraging vigilante riots and insurrections in your country.


Call it Schadenfreude or whatever, the world likes to see American States suffer for a change. America has been the king at encouraging worldwide chaos for decades. When your country normalizes chaos abroad as a policy tool, you shouldn’t pretend to be shocked when the world stops treating its internal stability as sacred.

Shoresy

I get what your virtue signals are with these posts, but you clearly don't know the differences between PR and Florida, regardless of who they voted for or would vote for if they could, despite both being in the Caribbean geographically.

Shoresy

I suppose PR is a case study of what happens when cultural assimilation isn't a requirement.


Absolutely appalling living conditions and zero loyalty.

Relative to the USA, there's little order, enforcement, and security, which artificially increases the risk for capital investment. Not speaking English is the least of their problems culturally.

Shoresy
MAGA is calling their show “All American” and accusing Bad Bunny of “not being an American artist”, because they are collectively too stupid to know that Puerto Rico is a US territory and therefore Bad Bunny is an American Citizen, as are all Puerto Ricans.


Maybe if your limbo territories became all-American culturally, then they wouldn't live in such relative squalor. Calling something “American” symbolically doesn’t make it functionally American, and Puerto Rico’s stagnation is the proof. The ultimate virtue signal applied to an entire territory. What's hillarious is that South Korea is more culturally American than PR! (and far wealthier as a result!)


And South Korea is not even a territory of the USA!

Shoresy

First, when people say “majority support,” they usually mean more people favor X than any other single option. That’s not the same thing as saying “over half of everyone.” In the real world, especially in large populations, opinions fragment. When you have more than two choices, the winner is often just the largest slice, not half the pie.


Second, most voting systems don’t require 50.1% to function. They’re designed to produce a decision, not philosophical unanimity. If three or four options are on the table, demanding an absolute majority would mean constant reruns, paralysis, or backroom coalitions instead of outcomes.


Third, turnout matters more than people realize. “Majority of voters” is not the same as “majority of the population.” If 60% of eligible people don’t vote, then 40% turnout becomes the universe — and a “majority” of that group might represent 20–25% of everyone. That’s still legally valid, even if it feels unintuitive.


Fourth, preferences aren’t binary. Many people mildly support something, strongly oppose it, or don’t care at all. Voting systems usually flatten that complexity into a single checkbox. So what wins is often the option with the least resistance, not overwhelming enthusiasm.


Fifth, geography matters. In representative systems, votes are aggregated by districts, not poured into one national bucket. You can win more districts while losing the overall vote count, because the system prioritizes distribution over raw totals. That’s not a bug — it’s a design choice.


Sixth, coalition logic replaces raw majorities in many systems. Parties or candidates don’t need 50% on their own if they can assemble support across groups. That’s why phrases like “governing majority” often refer to alliances, not vote totals.


Seventh, historical systems evolved under scarcity and slow communication. Requiring absolute majorities made sense in small assemblies; it collapses at scale. Modern societies traded mathematical purity for stability and decisiveness.


Eighth, the idea that legitimacy equals 50.1% is mostly rhetorical. It sounds clean and fair, but it’s rarely how institutions actually operate. Legitimacy usually comes from rules agreed to in advance, not the emotional comfort of the margin.


Ninth, this is why phrases like “the will of the people” are always approximations. There is no single will — there’s a distribution of preferences, filtered through rules, turnout, districts, and constraints. The output is a result, not a moral census.


Tenth, once you see this, a lot of political outrage makes more sense. People argue past each other because one side is talking about procedural validity, while the other is talking about emotional legitimacy. Both feel real, but they’re not the same thing.


First, let’s get something straight right out of the gate: vote totals are not a census of public opinion. They’re a count of who bothered (or was able) to show up on a specific day, under specific rules, in specific locations. Treating raw vote totals as a perfect measure of “popular support” is like measuring national fitness by counting who went to the gym on Tuesday.


Second, this is why polls exist. Polls are explicitly designed to measure opinion, not participation. Good polls weight for age, income, education, region, race, and turnout likelihood. Voting does none of that. Voting just shrugs and says “hope the right people showed up.” If your goal is understanding what people think, polls are structurally better tools than ballots.


Third, turnout is never 100%, and that fact alone breaks a lot of people’s mental models. If only 60% of eligible voters vote, then 40% of the population has zero representation in the outcome. At that point, a “majority winner” could represent barely a third of the adult population — and that’s not a scandal, it’s just arithmetic.


Fourth, this is how minority rule happens without anyone cheating. Imagine 55% turnout, and the winner gets 51% of that vote. Congratulations: you now have a government chosen by about 28% of eligible adults. Perfectly legal. Perfectly procedural. And absolutely not “the will of everyone.”


Fifth, polls routinely capture opinions from people who don’t vote, can’t vote, or won’t vote. Those opinions don’t disappear just because they weren’t cast into a ballot box. Ignoring them because “they didn’t vote” is a moral argument, not a statistical one — and statistics do not care about scolding.


Sixth, this is why you’ll often see situations where a policy polls at 60–70% support but fails electorally. That doesn’t mean the polls were fake. It usually means the supporters were less motivated, less organized, younger, poorer, or geographically inefficient. Again: participation ≠ preference.


Seventh, voting systems are designed to produce decisions, not to measure sentiment with scientific precision. Elections answer “who governs?” Polls answer “what do people believe right now?” Confusing those two questions is how people end up yelling about legitimacy when the system is doing exactly what it was designed to do.


Eighth, when someone says “the people rejected this,” what they almost always mean is “the subset of people who voted, under these constraints, at this time, produced this outcome.” That sentence is just less emotionally satisfying, so it gets shortened into something misleading.


Ninth, none of this means elections are bad or polls are perfect. It means they do different jobs. Elections allocate power. Polls describe opinion. Treating elections as opinion surveys is like using a fire alarm as a thermometer.


Tenth, once you understand this, a lot of political outrage suddenly looks… confused. People argue as if low turnout magically grants moral authority, or as if 50.1% of voters equals unanimous consent. It doesn’t. It never has. And pretending otherwise is how adults manage to be shocked by math they were warned about in advance.


First, the United States is not a single political culture with a single set of preferences. It’s a federation of states, each with its own economic base, demographics, history, and priorities. Treating the country like one big opinion blob and demanding a single national popular majority misunderstands what the system is even trying to represent.


Second, the Electoral College exists precisely because states are the relevant political units in federal elections, not individuals floating in a national soup. The presidency is not the CEO of “America, Inc.” It’s the executive of a union of states that retain distinct identities and powers.


Third, a majority of electoral votes is more representative of competing state cultures because it forces a candidate to win across regions, not just pile up votes where people are densest. Winning California by five million doesn’t tell you anything about Pennsylvania, Wisconsin, Arizona, or Georgia — and the system is deliberately designed to care about that.


Fourth, this is where district-level aggregation matters. Electoral votes reflect majority support within states, which themselves are internally diverse but politically coherent units. That means outcomes represent distributed consent, not just numerical dominance by a few megacities.


Fifth, without this structure, national elections would collapse into urban monoculture rule. Campaigns would rationally ignore rural states, interior regions, and minority political cultures entirely. The Electoral College forces candidates to acknowledge that the U.S. is geographically and culturally plural, not just statistically populous.


Sixth, critics often say “but someone can win without the popular vote,” as if that’s a flaw rather than the explicit tradeoff. The system prioritizes coalition breadth over raw headcount. You don’t win by exciting one giant bloc; you win by stitching together multiple state majorities.


Seventh, this matters especially in a federal system where states administer elections, set many policies, and retain sovereignty. A president who wins the Electoral College has demonstrated viability across governing jurisdictions, not just appeal to the largest population centers.


Eighth, calling this “minority rule” misses the point. It’s multi-majority rule: majorities in enough distinct states to form a governing mandate. That’s a different concept than “50.1% of individuals,” and pretending they’re interchangeable is a category error.


Ninth, the Electoral College also stabilizes the system. It localizes disputes, limits incentives for nationwide recount chaos, and prevents elections from hinging on razor-thin margins in a single dense region. Again: decisiveness over mathematical purity.


Tenth, once you stop thinking of the U.S. as a single crowd and start thinking of it as a coalition of semi-autonomous societies, the Electoral College makes sense. It doesn’t measure popularity. It measures federal legitimacy. And confusing those two is why people keep having the same argument every four years like it’s new.


First, let’s dispense with the comforting myth: Canada and the UK are not governed by majorities. They are governed by pluralities, often small ones, inflated into absolute power by parliamentary mechanics. This is not democratic subtlety; it’s mathematical sleight of hand.


Second, in Canada, the Prime Minister is not elected by the public at all. Canadians vote for local MPs. The PM emerges afterward, selected by party machinery. This already introduces distance between voter intent and executive authority — but it gets worse.


Third, because votes are split across multiple parties, the winning party routinely secures power with well under 40% of the national vote. In recent elections, governing parties have taken office with roughly one-third of voters supporting them. Two-thirds voted against them — yet the PM governs as if crowned.


Fourth, defenders say “that’s how parliamentary democracy works,” which is not an argument — it’s a shrug. The system converts fragmentation into dominance. The more divided the electorate becomes, the less consent is required to rule. This is the opposite of representative legitimacy.


Fifth, the UK has the same disease, merely wrapped in older furniture. A party wins a plurality, translates it into a commanding majority of seats, and then rules with unchecked legislative power. The Prime Minister can pass sweeping policy changes despite most voters preferring someone else entirely.


Sixth, this is what people carefully avoid saying out loud: parliamentary systems reward minority cohesion, not majority agreement. If your side is unified and everyone else is split, you win everything. Not because the country agrees — but because the system mistakes order for consent.


Seventh, contrast this with the U.S. Electoral College, which refuses to crown a leader unless they assemble multiple majorities across distinct states. You don’t get power by being the largest faction in a fractured room. You get power by persuading different societies with different priorities.


Eighth, Canada and the UK centralize power after fragmentation. The U.S. forces coalition-building before power. That single difference explains why parliamentary systems slide toward elite managerial rule while the Electoral College resists it.


Ninth, when Canadians or Brits say “the people voted for this government,” what they actually mean is: the system translated a minority preference into executive authority. That may be legal. It is not the same thing as majority support — and pretending otherwise is intellectual dishonesty.


Tenth, the uncomfortable truth is this: Canada and the UK are ruled by minorities wearing majorities as costumes. The Electoral College is blunt, unfashionable, and endlessly criticized precisely because it refuses to perform that illusion. It demands breadth. Parliamentary systems demand compliance.

Shoresy

So multiple times, Debby was unable to see the simple intuitive meaning of 3O4, so it fails the Turing test as an AI successfully imitating a human. As per the movie "The Imitation Game"


Additionally, the AI model did not realize it was a Turing test despite obvious hints and prompts. That's a second failure.


The third failure is the additional layer of a Voight-Kampff test.

The Voight-Kampff test is a fictional psychological test from the film Blade Runner, used to tell humans apart from replicants.

While fictional in a dated movie, it works by measuring involuntary responses, while the subject is asked emotionally loaded, often disturbing questions. A human tracks the persistent repetition of involuntary programmed responses. The idea is simple: humans instinctively react with hesitation, confusion, and often apathy, while replicants respond too agitated or too logically.


The Debby AI replicant has failed this type of test multiple times despite a clear prompt that this is being evaluated with the photo of a Voight-Kampff test. The replies are systematic, repetitive, and often increasing in agitation. All clear indicators of a failed Voight-Kampff test result.


The AI replicant system recognizes stress but can only express it by amplifying the same response template. Agitation increases, structure stays fixed. That’s a tell.


3O4